The Bell Tolls: Tomorrow's Truncated India, is a topical study of the messy political scene of contemporary India.  In content and thought it is substantially different from run-of-the-mill political tracts most of which tend to ignore the twin formidable threats of Islamic terrorism and impending demographic crisis to the unity of Indian nation.  Not many Indians know that Christian Europe is heading for a demographic disaster, which could destroy its Christian identity. Niall Ferguson, strategic analysts who teaches contemporary history at Harvard University, alerted the western nations more than two years ago that in another fifty years Europe could become a Muslim dominated continent. To lend weight to Niall Ferguson's warning a number of analysts and writers including Phillip Longman, Mark Steyn, Bruce Bawer and Oriana Fallaci have written books and articles highlighting the grave threat to Europe's Christian identity. Due to acceptance of western model of family planning, there has been a rapid decline in the fertility level of Hindus and allied faiths in several states and sensitive regions. By analyzing the census 2001 data the book warns that soon Hindus, too, could face a similar threat to their civilizational identity in several parts of India. The impending demographic crisis is a furiously ticking timer, which can blow India's national unity and territorial integrity to smithereens.

The book highlights the damage caused to good governance by the lengthening shadow of parochial politics, supported by radical Islam and myopic leftist leadership. The emergence of several casteist parties and regional satraps, functioning in tandem with self-seeking leftist groups like the CPI (M), has systematically undermined most democratic institutions. The resultant political destabilization could sound death knell of Indian democracy.

The author has also exposed central government's clumsy fudging of Census 2001 on the eve of Maharashtra elections by omitting 3.67 crore Indians from Census 2001 analysis and questionable deletion of the census data of four previous decades with retrospective effect. Never before in India or any other democratic country the census data of previous four census enumerations was deleted with retrospective effect. It was done in September 2004 solely to establish by sheer manipulation that the percentage growth of Muslims was also declining quite fast. The fudging of population data during the Prime Ministership of an acclaimed Economist like Dr. Manmohan Singh was a very sad event.

The book draws pointed attention to the fast growing 'Crescent Corridor' across the heartland States of W. Bengal, Bihar and U.P. because of the alarmingly high growth of Muslim population, both by procreation and infiltration of Bangladeshis. In this context the advocacy for creation of five Muslim-dominated enclaves by Hyderabad-born Dr. Omar Khalidi underlines that there is a subtle attempt to resurrect the pre-partition strategy of scrambling the Indian nation and sow seeds of another partition.

The author has highlighted in Chapter 8 (titled Secular Graffiti and Hindu Dilemma) the growing phenomenon of heaping drivel and gratuitous insults on Hindus and their civilizational identity by sham secularist ideologues and political commentators. Just now Hindus have no voice in the echelons of power because they have become a fractured society, due to meaningless casteist divisions. For uniting the Hindus a Yagna representing all castes and regions should be held at which all caste distinctions should be abolished in one go and all Hindus declared as "Dwijya" or twice born. It may be recalled that in the hoary past when the country faced the problem of shortage of Kshatriya warriors, a Yagna was held in Aravallis, with blessings of Dharamacharyas, and many non-Kshatriya castes and tribal clans were baptized as Kshatriyas. They came to be known as "Agni Kula" Rajputs. Similarly in 1699 Guru Gobind Singh had created "the Khalsa" by offering 'Amrit' to five persons belonging to different Hindu castes, including the highest and the lowest,  and made them sit together, eat together and fight together against growing tyranny of Aurangzeb.

India being the only bulwark of secularism pitted against jihadist Islam in South Asia stands marked as the next civilisational battleground, and a regular jihad against Hindus is on. Unless effective remedial measures are initiated right now the grim political situation has the potential to push India towards the 'Dangerous Decades' of disunity, Political upheavals and divisiveness, as forecast in 1960 by Selig S. Harrison, in his perceptive tome, India: The Most Dangerous Decades. That delayed forecast of Selig Harrison was now becoming increasingly relevant because of the ongoing jihad against Hindu identity of India by audaciously targeting temples, pilgrims, Hindu religious festivals and innocent worshippers. It could even lead to civil war like conditions in many parts of India, unless the divisive and fissiparous forces working against India are put down with a heavy hand soon.     

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  "Facts don't cease to exist because they are ignored".

                                                              -Aldous Huxley.

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We have seen how a wholly unwarranted controversy was created in political circles as well as English media by the publication of religion-wise data of census 2001 in the first week of September 2004. It was amusing to see in the Saturday Special of a leading national daily on October 2, 2004, two interesting articles on census 2001 authored by Muslim columnists - both based on the false premise that the decadal population growth of Muslims according to census 2001 was declining faster than that of Hindus and not rising, as revealed by census 2001(1). One of these was by the well known political commentator, late Dr. Rafiq Zakaria, while the other was by Abusaleh Shariff, a demographer associated with the NCAER (National Council of Applied Economic Research). It is well known that the census figures initially announced by the Registrar General in the first week of September 2004 had revealed that the population of Muslims was growing at a fast pace way ahead of all other religious groups which led to multiple howls of protests by the leftists and self-styled secularists who started baying for the blood of the Registrar. Bowing to the intense pressure mounted by the government the Registrar decided to present the census data under two heads, namely the "unadjusted" and the "adjusted". The "adjusted data" which was manufactured by deleting more than 3.6 crore Indians living in Assam and Jammu & Kashmir, showed that in percentage terms the Muslim population was growing at 29.5 percent (as against 36 percent in terms of the "unadjusted" data). And to achieve the desired political objective on the eve of Maharashtra state elections the entire census headcount in respect of Assam and Jammu & Kashmir was deleted with retrospective effect from the last five census operations from 1961 onwards. It is difficult to comprehend how and why these two gentlemen accepted the doctored census 2001 data without going into even elementary details. For instance, in the asterix marked footnote to the Statement 1-a of the Religion wise Data of Census 2001 which gives the proportion and growth rates of the proportion and growth rate of the respective population of religious communities for the last 4 decades from 1961 to 2001, it has been clearly stated that it "excludes Jammu & Kashmir and Assam for all decades from 1961 to 2001". (2) Clearly therefore the so-called "adjusted data" was nothing but fudged census data manufactured by a kind of sleight of hand.

Indeed most surprising is the fact that both these columnists used the doctored census data for arriving at highly contestable conclusions by ignoring the truth. Surely neither Dr. Rafiq Zakaria nor Abusaleh Shariff could be so naïve as not to comprehend that the revised figures labeled "adjusted" were nothing short of statistical manipulation intended to bluff the gullible Indian people, primarily the English-knowing Hindu middle class.  They totally ignored the salience of deleting with retrospective effect the census figures pertaining to the two demographically sensitive states of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam from 1961 onwards - something never done before either in India or anywhere else. Much greater commitment to truth, however, was shown by a former civil servant turned politician, Syed Shahabuddin, who had the sagacity to question in one of his articles that "why the Census Commissioner did not choose to fill up the Assam gap of 1981 and J. & K. gap of 1991 by intrapolation" and leave the figures pertaining to the previous decades untouched. (3) Although the methodology suggested by Syed Shahbuddin would have been ethically correct and quite in conformity with the internationally accepted best practices, that could not have produced the politically desirable goal. Recourse to that standard methodology would have only reinforced the analytical assessment originally made in the Census 2001 Report on Religion showing a high increase in the growth rate of Muslims. If the NCAER associated demographer, Abu Saleh, tries his hands at the proposed mode of interpolation, suggested by Syed Shahabuddin, he will discover that without omitting the census data pertaining to the last four decades in respect of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam, comprising more than 3.6 crore Indians from census 2001, the politically desirable goal could not have been achieved.

One of the authors of this book had remained in touch with the office of the Registrar General of Census for updating two chapters of his book, Long March of Islam since May 2004. His personal visits to the Census office unwittingly gave him an insight into the questionable process of fudging the census 2001 by deleting with retrospective effect the headcount pertaining to Assam and Jammu & Kashmir pertaining to last five enumerations undertaken in years 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991 and 2001. In regard to the latest census 2001 it involved deletion of more than 3.6 crore Indians from census 2001 data, a staggering figure indeed.  

In conformity with the globally recognized best practice of maintaining purity of statistical analysis and for the sake of truth, it will be desirable to rely on the  "unadjusted" census data released by the Registrar in the first week of September 2004. As we shall presently understand, the fudged data, euphemistically labeled as "adjusted", is nothing more than a clumsy mutilation of census figures.

As explained in the previous chapter, for the last fifty years the population of Muslims alone has been racing ahead at a fast pace, way ahead of all other religious groups. It may be recalled that the census 1991 had recorded that the Muslim growth rate during 1981-91 decade had risen to 32.76 percent as against the declining Hindu growth rate of 22.78 percent. (4) Unfortunately the census 2001 showed a further sharp acceleration in the growth rate of Muslims, while recording a sharper decline in the growth rate of Hindu faiths. It showed that in percentage terms the growth rate of the Muslims during the decade remained very high, while that of the Hindus has fallen to a new low of 20 percent.

In percentage terms the growth rate of the Sikh community, an integral component of Hindus and allied faiths, has been going down very rapidly. Their growth rate had sharply declined from 32.2 percent during the decade 1961-71 to 24.3 in 1981-91. According to census 2001 it has hit a new low of merely 18.2 percent (unadjusted data). In other words, during the last four decades the growth rate of Sikh population has gone down quite fast, i.e., by nearly 14 percentage points. What is more important is that this declining trend is likely to be maintained for the next 30 to 40 years because of the disproportionately lower percentage of Sikh cohorts in the age-group 0-6 years, as revealed by census 2001. Interestingly according to the adjusted data (contrived by omitting 3.6 percent of India's population from 2001 census data) the percentage decline in growth of Sikh population comes to 16.9, which translates, into nearly 50 percent decline in their growth rate during the last four decades. It is, however, gratifying to note that the Sikh community has taken prompt notice of this disturbing trend and the matter was deliberated upon by Sikh Sangats in a number of Gurudwaras in Punjab and west Delhi to devise remedial measures.  More importantly, perturbed by the sharply declining Sikh growth rate, Sardar Tarlochan Singh, Chairman of the National Minorities Commission, summoned top Sikh religious leaders and intellectuals to deliberate on the problem. He even requisitioned the services of Shri Ashish Bose, a well-known demographer, for making a presentation before prominent leaders of the Sikh community in the first week of November. (5)

            The demographic threat to the Hindus is nearly as serious as to the Sikhs, perhaps much graver in the eastern region, especially Assam and West Bengal. Unfortunately there is very little awakening among the Hindu masses spread over the vast rural countryside about the impending demographic crisis likely to confront the Indian nation during the next few decades. In sharp contrast to the somnolent attitude of Hindus, numerous Muslim scholars, community leaders and some members of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board have been openly exhorting the Muslims to reject family planning and continue to opt for larger families. The cold facts about the rapid changes in demography of India in favor of Muslims have already been discussed.       

Though the sharp increase in Muslim growth rate, revealed by the census 2001, is an established fact, truth is a red rag to politicians of our country trying to usurp power by recourse to vote bank strategy. All hell broke loose in the so-called 'secular' political circles as soon as the Registrar, J.K. Banthia, released the census data. Although the officer had performed his official duty in an upright manner, unseemly attempts were made to haul him over coals. A leading English daily labeled him a "saffronite". Quite a few newspapers reported that he was given a dressing down by the Home Minister himself, though God alone knows why. Ultimately the Registrar was pressurized by the power-that-be into making certain unwarranted changes in the census 2001 data by deleting retrospectively more than 3.6 crore Indians from census 2001 headcount to make the findings politically acceptable on the eve of Maharashtra elections.  This huge deletion of all census enumerations pertaining to Assam and Jammu & Kashmir from 1961 onward with retrospective effect was done, after attempting all sorts of permutations and combinations, solely for scaling down the percentage growth of Muslims just to show that their growth rate, too, was declining like that of Hindus and Sikhs.

The desired objective of projecting a declining trend of Muslim growth rate could not have been achieved even by leaving out of calculations the entire 2001 census data pertaining to the State of Jammu & Kashmir which showed a total population of only 101,43,700 comprising 67,93,240 Muslims, 30,05,349 Hindus and 3,45,111 'others'. In the huge headcount of more than one billion people, it was too small a figure and its deletion alone could not have achieved "the politically desired" result. While grappling with the problem created by political diktat suddenly a bright statistician in the Registrar's office recalled that no census had taken place in Assam in the year of grace 1981. Why not exclude that State as well, having a total head count of 2,66,55,528, which included a high percentage of Muslims?  Luckily for the beleaguered Registrar the census figures of Assam did fit the bill when added to those of Jammu & Kashmir, but there was a difficult proviso.

To project the desired downtrend in Muslim growth rate, it was necessary to delete the entire census data pertaining to these 2 states from 1961 onwards with retrospective effect - something never done before. More importantly, it was totally violative of the spirit of the Census Act 1948, and the pending Right To Information Bill.  But ultimately the 'pseudo-secular' politics triumphed over truth and the growth rate of Muslims was brought down by omitting 1,50,33,851 Muslims, 2,03,01794 Hindus and 14,63,573 'others' belonging to the 2 States of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam from census 2001. The peremptory deletion of the combined population of these two States was able to take care of nearly 43 percent Muslims along with the Hindus and 'others' constituting the remaining 57 percent population. The peculiar demographic mosaic of the two States, both having a high percentage of Muslims, provided the necessary scope for doctoring the census data for achieving the politically desirable goal. 

Thus the politically motivated fudging, though uniquely unprecedented, was accomplished by deleting from the census analysis nearly 3 crore 67 lakhs residents of two States (including Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others) constituting more than 3.6 percent of India's population on the frivolous plea that no comparable data was available for Jammu & Kashmir in respect of census 1991 and that similarly no actual headcount took place in Assam during 1981 census. Simultaneously the census data pertaining to 4 decades, from 1961 to 2001, in respect of the 2 states of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam was deleted with retrospective effect in an arbitrary manner just to achieve the desired politically acceptable result.  

To call this mutilitated data as "adjusted" is an insult to the I.Q. of average Indian. Frankly, it is something fit to be labeled as "maladjusted" census data, because there could be no legal or moral justification for omitting more than 3.6 percent of India's population pertaining to two important States having high concentration of Muslims. What has been done has no parallel in the history of India's census operations, nor in the annals of census in any other democratic country! This unprecedented doctoring of census 2001 data has left several important questions unanswered. 

First, why was not the same dubiously ingenious method of arriving at the "adjusted" data applied at the time of analyzing the census 1991 figures?  At that time, too, there was a similar problem in relation to one State that is Assam where no census could take place in 1981. The truth is that at that time no one questioned the census results because there was no political compulsion. To put it more bluntly, in 1991 no one felt the political need to fudge the census data because it was not a hot potato then, nor were the figures of 1991 census released on the eve of any State elections. In any case, there appears to be absolutely no justification for deleting from record the census data of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam for the years 1961 and 1971 because no controversy had ever erupted about the census figures of those two decades. While the census data of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam for the decades 1981 and 1991 have been deleted from the Registrar's revised analysis on the specious ground that in 1981 there was no census in Assam and similarly in 1991 no census operations could take place in Jammu & Kashmir, the unstated opaque reasons for deletion of census data of 1961 and 1971 in respect of these two States retrospectively are shrouded in mystery. The government owes an explanation, and a convincing one at that, for resorting to this unwarranted and unprecedented malpractice which amounts to deliberate tinkering with the data of previous census operations undertaken 30 - 40 years ago, the findings of which remained incontrovertible all along.

Second, what is the legal and moral justification for omitting the head count of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam, forming more than 3.6 percent of country's population, from the analysis of 2001 census?  Are the two States of Jammu & Kashmir and Assam not part of India? Are more than 3.6 crore people living in the two States not Indians? How dare the Indian government arbitrarily omit more than 3.6 percent of the country's population from the census after the actual headcount had already been done?  What the government has done is a clear violation of the letter and spirit of the Indian constitution as well as the law of the land. To take recourse to such deception simply to please the leftists and a particular communal constituency amounts to grossness of the highest order.    

Third, will not this dangerous step of excluding the census data of 2 strife-torn States from 1961 onwards send a wrong signal to the ISI-sponsored separatist forces operating in the two vulnerable states? Will it not strengthen their case for breaking away from the Indian Union?  As a result of this short sighted move, devised solely to garner communal votes in the elections in Maharashtra and other States the insurgent groups of J& K and Assam will be able to convince their local supporters, and even proclaim at the international fora, that the Government of India has no case to prevent them from seceding because of the deletion of all residents of J. & K. and Assam from India's census data for the last 40 years! They might convincingly argue that the Indian government does not consider them Indian nationals.

Fourth, what will be the methodology of analyzing the next census due in the year 2011 and thereafter in the subsequent decades?  It looks inevitable that the 2 States of Jammu and Kashmir and Assam will have to be similarly excluded from the census 2011 and all successive censuses scheduled to be held in future. Without a similar 'maladjustment', (outrageously called as "adjustment"), there is a strong possibility of the 2011 census springing a more shocking surprise by recording another unprecedented quantum jump in the Muslim growth rate, now that it has been artificially brought down in the year 2001 to meet the political requirements. What will be the mode of analyzing India's population statistics in the coming decades now that a novel precedent of omitting certain States from census headcount has been established?

Fifth, is the government of the day legally empowered to play ducks and drakes with the census data, by deleting retrospectively nearly 3.6 percent of India's population after the actual head count had been conducted? If so, under which law can such a large number of Indian citizens be ignored and left out, particularly when the census operations are conducted under a special statute, that is the Census Act passed in 1948?   

Sixth, has the government any legal powers to modify, amend and delete with retrospective effect the census data pertaining to the last 40 years in such a cavalier and contrived manner, especially when there was absolutely no complaint from any quarter about the census data analyzed and published in the years 1961 to 1991? If this manipulative procedure is not challenged, it could lead to a situation in which every political dispensation coming to power in future will invent similar questionable methods for distorting the census findings to meet their political aims. There is absolutely no enabling provision in the Census Act, 1948, for making retrospective changes in the census data, especially after the head count had been conducted and published ten, twenty, thirty, or forty years ago.              

Seventh, is not the government bound by the ethical norm of good governance in the matter of dissemination of correct and truthful information to the public? In a peculiar situation like the present one, what is the sanctity of the recently passed and much-hyped Right To Information Act, which received Presidential nod sometime ago for being placed on the statute book, especially when the government itself fudges facts? Can the government palm off the so-called "adjusted" census data as truthful information, if someone makes a formal request for religion-wise census data?  Will not the government's action in deliberately excluding the population of the two States showing high percentage growth of Muslims constitute a deliberate and wanton act of concealment of truth and thus seen to be violative of the Right To Information Act?  

            Lastly, this manipulative episode did not show the Election Commission in good light either. This wanton manipulation of the census data on the eve of State elections was a clear violation of the model code of conduct and suo motto notice of government's malfeasance should have been taken by the Election Commission. It is difficult to accept that the Commission has really fulfilled its statutory responsibility to act as a wide-awake and effective watchdog, especially on the eve of Maharashtra elections. How is it that the Election Commission took no notice of this gross fudging of the census by deviously deleting with retrospective effect the census figures of the 2 States since 1961? 

It is time that the government as well as the Indian people, especially the top politicians and educated classes, started viewing the phenomenon of the skewed population growth of India's religious groups in the global context. Let us not turn our back on truth. Galloping Muslim population is a global problem, including India. It is already worrying many democratic countries and strategic thinkers. Time has come when the broad spectrum of our political leadership and the Indian people should know that the Muslims were only 12 percent of the world population in the year 1900, they grew to 18 percent in 1980-90, and now the Muslim population is likely to quantum jump to 30 percent of world population by 2025 - barely 20 years away from now. (6) Meanwhile the incidence of jihads being waged across the globe has risen in tandem with growth of Muslim population. It is difficult to guess how many decades more the Muslims will take to reach the benchmark of 40 percent of the world population. Should the Muslims reach that magic percentage, say even after the next 100 or 120 years, it could change the course of mankind's history.  

Not many TV anchors, nor many political leaders, know that within the next   50-60 years the 'Christian' Europe is likely to become a Muslim majority continent. A warning about that possibility was given by Niall Ferguson (a contemporary historian and strategic analyst teaching at Harvard University) in an article published in the Sunday Times, London, in April 2004. Some enterprising futurologists have proposed that Europe could be called "Eurabia" after 50 years or so. Most of the Muslim societies have exceptionally high fertility rates  - higher by wide margins when compared to non-Muslim societies. Saudi Arabia is multiplying at a fertility rate of 5.7 per woman, Yemen at 7, Afghanistan at 5.6, Palestinian territories at 5.6, Nigeria at 5.4 and Pakistan at 4.1 and so on. Fertility rates of most European countries range between 1.1 and 1.6 per woman, far below the population replacement level of 2.1 children per woman. Till a few years ago India was at a declining fertility rate of 2.9.  Now it could be far less, at least in respect of the Hindus and allied faiths who have adopted the small family norm in a big way.  

Without taking a global view of the fast changing demography, the Indian nation cannot prepare itself for handling the impact of skewed population changes on country's secular and pluralistic ethos and the consequential challenge of the growing jihadist campaigns. Europe is almost paranoid by the fear of the fast-paced growth of Muslim population overtaking the declining Christian numbers. Do our centre-stage political leaders know that the Prime Minister of U.K., Tony Blair, has already started advising the British couples to opt for a 5-children norm, even though the Muslims constitute less than 2 percent of U.K.'s population? And fearful of the growing population of jihad-infested Indonesia the Australian government has advised all couples to make more babies   - at least 3, preferably many more. A cash bonus of $2,083 for every baby born after June 2004 has been promised to every couple by Australia's Chancellor of the Exchequer, Peter Costello in the budget allocation for the year. (7)  Some demographers, associated with the United Nations Development Program (U.N.D.P.), have warned that once an anti-natal ethos gets entrenched in a society it tends to become almost irreversible. Russia and Germany, both trapped in a serious depopulation crisis, are 2 typical victims of this growing anti-natal ethos in western societies. In all probability, apart from some other factors, e.g., the despicable gender discrimination, spread of anti-natal ethos appears to have adversely impacted the growth rate of Sikhs during the last two decades, as revealed by the census 2001. 

It is time for a rational, cool-headed and objective analysis of the census data in the context of national as well as global developments. Recourse to acerbic remarks and rabble-rousing invectives like 'malice-mongers', used by late Dr. Zakaria, are poor substitutes for a dispassionate discourse. Perhaps a great deal of noise being made by partisan politicians appears deliberate, unless it stems from their appalling ignorance.

Both in Lebanon and the Balkans the demographic change had a kind of terminator effect on the pluralistic civilizational moorings of the once-upon-a-time Christian territories. For instance, due to adverse demographics the Maronite Christians who constituted an overwhelming majority of Lebanon's population were reduced to a minority within a short span of 4 decades. By 1932 the Christian majority in Lebanon had gone down to a mere 55 percent, while the proportion of Muslims rose to nearly 45 percent. The changed demographics accelerated the long-standing hostility between the two communities and soon the Muslims started clamoring for a greater say in the affairs of the country on the basis of their increased population.

Ultimately according to an agreement reached in 1943 between Maronite Christians and the Muslims, known as the National Pact of Lebanon, the two hostile groups decided to share power in proportion to their ratio in the country's population. The posts of top ministers in the government were apportioned between the Christians and the Muslims in the ratio of six to 5 respectively, based on 1932 census figures. Lebanese Christians were better educated and more enlightened than their Muslim counterparts whose lives were dominated and controlled by Mullahs and religious scholars.

While Christians restricted the size of their families, the Muslims did not, perhaps owing to the diktats of their clerics and religious preachers. By 1970 the Maronite Christians had landed themselves in a declining fertility rate of 4 children per woman, while the Muslims maintained a steady fertility rate of 6 children per woman. The result was that between 1965 and 1970 Lebanon became a Muslim majority country in a raging civil war. In the ensuing bloodbath and mayhem nearly four to five million Christians out migrated within 2 years, mostly to Europe and America. Even the intervention of the U.S.A. and belated attempts of Israel to provide succor to the beleaguered Christians could not save them from ignominious rout at the hands of jihadi militias. Luckily most of the Christians were well educated and enterprising and have many Christian lands to migrate to. By now the percentage of Christians in Lebanon is believed to have come down to 30 percent or less. The trend of well-to-do Christians migrating out of Lebanon continues till date.

The foregoing facts speak for themselves, even though they defy the prevalent culture of political correctness, deeply ingrained in a section of our country's westernized middle class and inattentive English media.  It is difficult to fathom how can they fail to understand that the growing asymmetry in the religious composition of population will surely and seriously undermine the secular and multicultural character of Indian nation in not-too-distant future. Apparently these busybodies have developed a myopic vision. Nearer home, they refuse to see the frightening consequences of sharp demographic changes taking place in the northeastern region, West Bengal and Bihar on unity and territorial integrity of our motherland in the context of growing jihadi threat worldwide and in our immediate neighborhood.

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